Letter from Sir John Seton, Manchester ye 25 M'ch, 1643

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LETTER

FROM

SIR JOHN SETON,

Manchester 25 MUh, 1643.

EDITED BY

THOMAS HEYWOOD, ESQ., F.S.A.

PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXIL

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015

https://archive.org/details/letterfromsirjohOOseto

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.

The following letter, written by Sir John Seton or Seaton, for the
spelling of the name varies, may be inserted between numbers 28
and 29 of the Ciml War Tracts^ forming the second volume of the
Society’s publications. Such a letter as the one now before us, by
its natural and truthful expression, is most refreshing in the midst of
tracts and intelligences conveying almost a delirious outpouring of
party feeling, and written either to conceal or distort facts.

We are at the epoch in which Seton visited Lancashire, and
during the war there, made acquainted with several names of
European reputation borne by soldiers of fortune. The most im-
portant of these, Seton, Rosworm and Morgan,^ were of houses
hereditarily accustomed to make a market of their swords. An old

* Rosworm took part in Seton’s Lancashire campaign. He was the German
engineer provided for Manchester, and was there ill used. In Von Raumer’s His-
torisclies Taschenbuch (9 b. 1 s), there is an account of the Rosswurms, who it seems
were content to bear their strange name (horse-worm) without any corresponding
charge in their arms. This family had for three centuries been seated at Hellungen
in Coburg, were Protestants, and never abandoned “das uralte Recht eines deutschen
Edelmannes dem Auslande sein Schwert zu weihen.”

Morgan was one of the earliest Low Country adventurers in Queen Elizabeth’s days.-
Our Lancashire officer of that name first appears as colonel of dragoons (Memorials
of Lord Fairfax, Somers’ Tracts^ vol. v. p. 387). He was detached to conduct the
siege of Lathom House, and is described as “ a little man, short and peremptory ”
{Civil War Tracts^ p. 166). His last service as major-general (1657-8) in Flanders,
under Turenne, was most brilliant {Somers' Tracts^ vol. vii. p. 36).

4

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN SETON,

Sir John Seton in 1642 had been nearly forty years in the French-
Scottish Guard, but we cannot suspect him of joining the Man-
chester Parliamentarians. Neither can we seek the writer of this
letter in the family of Lord Seton, who were loyalists. The service
of Gustavus Adolphus was that most congenial to the taste of the
Puritans, and in the list of his officers annexed to Hepburn’s
Memoirs^ we find two colonels, James Seaton of Gargannock, and
John his brother.” Sir John Seton is denominated colonel by the
Parliament, and Monteth designates him as such without the
knightly addition (p. 143).

That the writer of this letter had Teutonic recollections admits of
no doubt. “ Postees ” for posts is the dissyllable pfoste. Garstang is
made Gerstein for as ah is used, and sch for sh is echtes Deutsch,
as is also heil for bill. Then his Scotch origin is not lost sight of.
The past tense and participle of seek is soclit. “ The Lord knows

2 Altliougla Seton’s abrupt transformation of Garstang into Gerstein, and the
fraternization thus achieved between the Amounderuess Garstang and its West
Derby congener Garston, might invite criticism, yet the amount of puzzled etymology
resting upon gar^ ger^ car, carr, carse, cur. Jeer, &c., forbids all curiosity. If Jacob
Grimm could find no satisfactory derivation for the ger of his own beloved and
native Germany {Gescli. der Dent. Spr. p. 5i5), although Camden in his Remains had
freely bequeathed him one ; and if Kemble held garsecg, oceanus, a “ difficult word ”
{Glossarg to Beoioulf), it would ill become us to express an opinion. Garstang
Jamieson says, means cart shafts in Roxburghshire. Cherestanc is the name of Gar-
stang in Domboc. Raines (vol. iv. p. 454) calls it CJiurcJi-pool, and Dr. Whitaker
Gar's- or Garre's-pool. If the prefix here be a proper name, by a reference to an
Index Villaris it will be seen that Gar was a large proprietor. Those who doubt this
solution will find more on the subject in Trench’s RnglisJi Past and Present, p. 80,
note; Richardson, and ^er/aZeow ; Grimm’s DewZsc/ie p. 36 ; Diefenbach,

vol. i. p. 123, vol. ii. pp. 393, 396; Grimm’s Peutsclie GrammatiJc, vol. ii. pp. 57, 455,
494, vol. iii. p. 442 ; Halliwell, ; also Miusheu the same word. Gaarce, {Prompt,
Par.)', Estang, Cotgrave, &c. For different ways of spelling Garstang, see Baines ut
supra. It is Garstrang in Speed’s Map ; vide Jamieson, gar, ger, gore, &c.

MANCHESTER ¥*= 25 M’CH, 1643.

o

what shall become of me"” is a pure Scotticism. “ Shall,’"’ says Sir
Edmund Head, “ is the proper auxiliary for prophecy when predict-
ing events predetermined and foreknown (p. 19).

Whitlock says of Alexander Leslie {Mem. p. 6T) : “ He was not
so good a clerk as a souldier if there is an imputation lurking in
this criticism, we hesitate in admitting its extension to Leslie’s sub-
altern, the writer of the letter before us. To be sure the scout who
“ryds bake” (rides back) supplies a strong illustration of the phonetic
mode of writing, but the entente cordiale and the strange conven-
tionalism between orthoepy and orthography were then but imper-
fectly established, and for the period the letter is respectably written
and spelt. “Lake” for leak we regard as a souvenir of old comrades,
the Swedish word being laecJc. The vigour imparted to the English
style by changing in narration from the past to the present tense is
often resorted to. “ The Sergent Major takes three companies and
marched “ Lord Barbie aproches the schip and puts fire in her
and burnt all, and so retired.” This is foreign to the German idiom.
In “threw” the northern guttural is abandoned. The enemy are
said to have taken Preston “malureuslie” (malheurislie), Seton thus
expressing his sense of the disaster by a composite word which gives
us a glimpse of the variety of tongues in the Swedish camp, almost
as complete as that which Schiller has at greater length atforded of
the Babel in Wallenstein’s Lager. “ Worser”^ might be classed as

^ Wirser in modern German is, as Grimm says, disused {Deutsche Grammatik^
voL iii. pp. 589, 606) ; and worser is u^ open to liis objection against worse, that it
wants all the marks of comparison {ihid. vol. v. p. 90). The positive of this compa-
rative perplexes Grimm. Bos worth gives yfel, evil, for it. Wer is a man, and wyrse
the devil in Saxon ; and our South Lancashire we^rrmud the comparison strengthened by
the reduplication tvurr and wurr, as in Scotch, is worthy of notice, as indicating that
worse had once perhaps a congenial positive. Worser is in the Craven Glossary.
Johnson and Shakespeare (the Taming of a Shreio, act. i. sc. 2, and Othello, act. iv.

6

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN SETON,

a Germanism (Old High German wirsira and Middle High Ger-
man wirser^ Grimm^s Deuts. Gram. vol. iii. p. 606); or it may
have been gathered between the Kibble and the Lmie, where the
Craven dialect obtains, or, as Shakespere and Dryden used the word,
it was then no vulgarism, and passed current at any rate in Paul’s
Walk, which we may suppose Seton frequented as a reformado colonel.

This letter of Seton’s was formerly in the possession of Mr. J3. H.
Bright, who, during a residence in Lancashire, accumulated his
extensive collection of books and MSS. ; and at his death this letter
passed into the Chetham Library, where it now remains. It was
printed in May 1821 in the Liverpool Kaleidoscope. The envelope
and the address are lost, nor is there any thing that enables us to
supply their place. Seton is evidently writing to one under whom
he had served, and who had provoked a letter by previously address-
ing him. Mr. Bright conjectured Fairfax to be the correspondent.
This could not be, for Ferdinando, then Lord Fairfax, so far from
having had men under his command when Seton in September
began to raise his force, was at that time reproved b}^ Parliament for
endeavouring to establish a neutrality for Yorkshire ; his commission
as General of the North was given him December 1 642 (Rushworth,
vol. ii. pp. 3, 91), and Seton had then been nearly three months in
Lancashire.

Essex had Scotch officers of Gustavus under him, as Ramsey,
Balfour, &c., and from his army Seton’s soldiers were originally in-

sc. 1) are quoted for its use, also Tusser; but the Rev. Mr. Carr calls it “a barbarous
word.” Halliwell states it to be common. Worser is not found in the three dialects
which supply the Hallamshire Glossary, and that of Halifax, has strong affinities to our
South Lancashire tongue. It is neither in Tim Bobbin nor in the Cheshire and the
Westmorland dialects. In truth, “worser” has very narrowly missed being received
into our language (Pegge’s Anecdotes, p. 76 ; King Lear, act iv. sc. 6 ; Henry F7.,
part i. act v. sc. 4). Lesser stands much on the same footing.

MANCHESTER Y* 25 M’CH, 1643.

7

tended to have been taken, but Edgehill loomed in the distance, and
he was sent to recruit elsewhere {Ciml War Tracts, pp. 57, 70).
Still he came from Essex’s district and command. We must ima-
gine the intimacy with and reliance upon the person addressed,
which the letter expresses, bestowed on Essex and decide whether
such was probable.

Now there was a third person under whom Seton had certainly
served, and who was in the field against Charles. Alexander Leslie
had returned in 1637 from the German wars, and by his rebellion in
1641 had wrung from his sovereign the earldom of Leven, and was
again gratifying his instincts in waging a fresh vvar on that monarch.
Seton’s joining his old general was most natural. In returning to
his native country we lose sight of Seton, which could hardly have
been the case had he joined either Fairfax or Essex.

The circumstances under which Sir John Seton came into Lan-
cashire are so minutely given in the Ciml War Tracts that we shall
merely refer the reader to them for information. Perhaps, looking
to dates. Lord Derby’s attack on Manchester, September 24th 1642,
rather than the allowance of the Homan Catholics to arm, Septem-
ber 27th (as conjectured by Mr. Ormerod), was the origin of the
resolution of Parliament, September 29th, to employ Seton and raise
his regiment.

The criticisms on Seton by his own party were severe, and re-
quired the correction which this letter bestows upon them. John
Tilsley insinuates that Seton’s stern deportment caused mischief and
omits the provocations under which he acted : Truly, Sir, we owe,

(subordinate to God), a great deal to Sir John Seaton : things are
artificially and methodically done, past what they were before ; he
is a man of wonderfull care and unwearied industry, onely rather too
harsh for our northern knotty riggid dispositions ; had he the meek

8

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN SETON,

spirit and smooth tongue of S. M. Sparrow he were peerlesse”
{Ciml War Tracts^ p. 78). The quitting Lancaster Castle, (the
effect of which was not then known but is speculated on in this
letter), subjected Seton and those who followed him to the remark,
“ they thought the safest way for themselves was to march towards
Manchester and quit the Castle’" {ibid. pp. 90, 132). John Angier,
(for the Puritan divines, believing that the “ blast of the silver trum-
pet” as blown by themselves inspired “ the souldiering spirit,” ibid.
p. 120, are severe military commentators,) thus deals with Seton,
borne down as he was by a rabble soldiery : “ 2000 of our forces
marched out for the timely relief of Lancaster, but how they were
divided and diverted, walked and breathed to and fro, whilst the
Earle fires Lancaster, recovered Preston, and rifled Blackburne, I
have no minde to inquire, but doe sadly remember ; and cannot
easily forget how these tydings affrighted our Commanders out of
Lancaster Castle, and exposed the Castle so well appointed to the
will of the enemy, had not the mighty God, by the assistance of a
minister, doubled the spirit of the heartie, (though headlesse), soul-
diers to maintaine with utmost hazard so great a trust” {ibid. p.
132). The main incident of the campaign, the arrival of the Dun-
kirk ship, is held to be accidental {ibid. pp. 89, 130), and that by
those who, had it been otherwise, would have denounced such assist-
ance for their enemies ; in this instance they also wanted the excuse
to justify their plundering the ship, which they accomplished with-
out any misgivings, thanking God for having placed such a booty
within their reach.

Seton left the county, as he proposed, shortly after the date of this
letter, but not before he had secured it almost entirely to the ener-
getic but turbulent party who so strangely accepted his services. If
left to itself Lancashire would have been for the cause of Charles ;

MANCHESTER Y' 25 M’CH, 1643.

9

but Lord Derby, straining every nerve to assist the King, sent men
and arms procured in liis Lieutenancies to the Royal head quarters,
and thus left his own district at the mercy of opponents (Peck’s
Desid. Cur. vol. ii. p. 483). We read. May 4th 1643 : Since Sir

John Seaton’s coming out of the county there hath been little action
on either side” {Ciml War Tracts, p. 100). We are not aware he
ever revisited us, and certainly he had little encouragement to do so.

Of the names mentioned in this letter the reader will find an
account in Mr. Ormerod’s admirable contribution to the Chetham
Society’s volumes, the Ciril War Tracts. Dukinfield was now
beginning his stormy life, and could not have been more than nine-
teen years of age. The silver-tongued Sergeant-major Sparrow
evades our inquiries. “Mr. Toulnson” was either Thomas or
George Toulson of Lancaster, who were lay members of the Classical
Presbytery of 1646. The rest of the principal actors with Seton
were Presbyterians, and gradually waned in importance after 1647 ;
and at no period of their lives do they appear adequately to have
estimated the value of discipline and obedience in achieving great
ends. In confusion and riot the rebellion in Lancashire began, and
so, as Seton experienced, it proceeded ; and its success is referable
altogether to extraneous causes, which diminished the power of the
Loyalists and acted less disastrously on their opponents. The readi-
ness of the peasantry to adopt either party was repeatedly shown,
and Lord Derby perhaps could most easily gather together the bill-
men, of which Seton’s letter contains a proof. The soldiery on the
Presbyterian side, looking to Seton’s testimony and to that Martin-
dale gives of Moore’s followers, were very licentious. This under
Cromwell was restrained, but by means which, interfering with the
enjoyments of the people, ultimately produced the Restoration.

The arming of the combatants for this war appears to have been

B

10

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN SETON,

a work of much difficulty, as might be expected after a cessation of
all general bellicose excitement, (with the brief exception of the
Armada,) since Bosworth and Stoke. We thus read of a peasantry
armed with bills and a soldiery opposed to them with poleaxes.'^
Germany poured her discarded weapons on to our shores. The
leathern cannon which Gustavus adopted for their extreme lightness,
(90 lbs. weight), in his Polish wars, and subsequently disused, found
their way here, and a sort of caltrops at the end of long poles, which,
reproduced in rude wooden engravings by the Intelligencers of the
day, were supposed to typify the abounding malignancy of the party
using them. Even such cannon as the Dunkirk ship brought were
little regarded by one who had experienced their worth. All these
disasters only to get these cannon,” writes Seton.

The dates necessary to the right understanding of Seton’s letter are
these: September 29th 1642, the Commons order 1000 dragoniers
to be raised under the command of Sir John Seaton,” and 16,000/.
is directed to be raised to pay for the same, with “ some troopes of
horse for the suppressing of the malignant party in Lancashire.”
October 3rd, the House resolves that none of Essex’s army should
be sent to Lancashire, but “ agreed that 1000 dragoniers should be
designed for the service under Sir Edward Oeton” {Ciril War

Poll axe, Todd’s Johnson ; as two substantives apparently rejected by Richardson.
Polax, hipennis {Prompt. Par.), furnished with a double axe? It is in Wright and
Halliwell “(Anglo-Saxon) a heavy halberd.” Minsheu is imaginative in deriving pole
axe “fort^ h, pull, trahere, detrahere. Genus est armorum quo hostem ab equo detra-
here possumus vel potius Polonica ascia a Polonian axe.” Pill an axe is not in
Cotgrave as French ; it is given as English, and translated “ hallebarde.” Pill is old
Saxon for securis, and is in Beowulf. As to its derivation from a bird’s bill, see
Diefenbach, pp. 81, 82. We are told (1642) that “ the naylers of Chowbent instead
of making nayles have busied themselves in making bills and battle axes” {Civil War
Tracts, p. 651).

MANCHESTER 25 M’CH, 1643.

11

Tracts, pp. 40, 57). October 28th, the 1000 dragoniers are on their
march to Manchester under Sir John Seaton “a brave and valiant
Scottish commander ; these dragoniers are part of those men that
came out of Holland in the ship that was forced by a leake to put
into Yarmouth’’ {ibid. p. 60). February 9th 1642-3, Seton took
Preston ; before February 14th he had won Lancaster. March ISth,
Lord Derby issued from Wigan, having heard of the arrival of the
Spanish ship; betw-een the 15th and the 18th he burnt the vessel
and retired; on the 18th he summoned Lancaster and took the
town. About March 17th Ashton was sent from Preston to relieve
Lancaster, Seton being in bed from a fall from his horse, but the
expedition failed ; and hearing of this about March 20th, Seton set
forth with fresh troops, and Lord Derby passing him took Preston.
About March 22nd the desertion of Lancaster Castle by Seton, as
stated in the letter, occurred {ibid. pp. 71, 84, 85, 130). There is
much difficulty in giving precise dates from the carelessness of the
news-writers, but Seton’s letter, written March 25th, places the
events he describes earlier than the printed accounts fix them.

12

LETTER FRO:^[ SIR JOHN SETON,

LETTER, &c.

My verie hon^^® good Lord

I have received y® liono^ of yo’^ kynd letter w®^ was both
seasonable and comfortable. I am now in a worser condition w*^
these people then ever. For Preston is lost again to us & that by
the couardlines of the sogiors & by the malignants w^^in the towne
who declared themselves enemies so soone as the enemies forces
assaulted, & shot upon gards w^Mn the towne from the win-
dowes, w®^^ wes a cheef cause they were beat from there postees.
I enjoed Preston & Lancaster a month peaceablie, & so after I had
geven order for makeng of some workes for defence of the Towne,
I had layd a plott for the takeng of Warinton & came to Man-
chester for that purpose to make preparation, The next morneng
S®gent Major Sparrow sends me a letter by a post sheweng me that
there wes a Spanish schip blowne in w*^ a storme to Weyre waters
and had a lake there pylot being dead desired help. The Sergent
Major takes three companies wj^ him & I sent him other 3 &; thus
marched towards the schip, where the Captens were come a schoare
at Rosehale, the next day the S panyards came a schoare to the
nomber of 400. Upon the 3^ day my Lord comes over the ford at
Hiskebank w^ii 300 horse. Our foote wold not advance to the schip
feareng that my Lord had had foote as well as horse, so they
marched over to the oth® syde of the water to preserve the amunition
w®^ they had gotten out of the schip, there were but 12 mus-
quetirs left in the schip &; these fled away, so my Lord of Darbie
aproches the schip & puts fire in her &; burnt all, and so retired home
again att the ford of Hiskebank, Then Colonell Doddin & ^Ir.
Toulnson were taken prisoners, for they wold not belive but y^ the
enemie were our people, they were so drunk w^^ Joy of the schip,
w®^ tho it wes burned we recovred all the ordinance to the nom-

MANCHESTER Y* 25 M’CH, 1G43.

13

ber of 22, wherof 8 were of brass, 2 demi cannons, one minion^ 5
sacres wherof 3 were broke & made useles, In this interim we
got up the Canons to the Castle of Lancaster, Sir John Girlinton &
Mr. Teilslie Sc others had sent for forces from some parts of York-
scheare Sc got a quantitie of armes. Sc so invited my Lord to come
again they wold joyn w^^ his Lo: w'^’^ my Lord did, returned pre-
sentlie w^^ 7 Companies of foote, 5 troops of horse, 3 peeces of can-
nons Sc beeing in the Fyld Countrey where all are papists, they
resorted all to him w‘^^ the best armes they had, some musquets
many horse & infinit nombers of beilmen. Just about this time the
sogiors of Preston rose up in a mutine, about a 100 mad men w‘^ pol-
axes they socht to have my heart bloody why forsuth, I had geven
a sogior a knok or 2 for shooteng off his peece between 6 ^ 7 at
nicht after the watch was sett, by Gode mercie I had past threw
a howse neere to the gard Sc so went threw barns Sc stables to
see some feeld to make a work upon, presentlie these furious
sogiors followed me socht me in that howse but found me not,
watched my bdgeng w"^ a gard all nicht to catch me if I should
go home, Comanded the gards at every avenu not to let me out of
Towne, so y' I wes forced to ly out of my howse that nicht, and
the next morneng was faine to leepe ditches hedges to get to
Lancaster for they had beset all passages to kill me, when I came
to Lancaster there wes 8 copanies of sogiors, y^ canons were carieng
up to the Castle, Manchester Bolton Preston were stryveng who
should have the best peeces, but haveng intelligence y" Tilslie was
to joyne w’^ my Lord to assault Lancaster I removed from
y^ place and retorned to Preston for then the sogiors were a litle
apeased by pswasion of Collonell Schutleworth, I sent for all the
troopes I could have from Blakborne ir Bolton, Sc had comanded
Colonell Holland w* his regement from Manchester to set upon
Warinton, I got 12 Companies of foote togither, but haveng
received a great falle from my horse y^ nicht I came from Lane- I
could not stur out of my bed i;: am not well as yet ; but I sent
Coll. Asshton w^^ 9 Companies Sc keept but 3 in Towne, Sc so I
comanded him to march foreward Sc assalt the enemie in the
The 8 comp- in Lane- in the van wold be a means to

reare,

14

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN SETON,

relive them of Lanc’^ who were beseeged by these Troopes. The
Cob being halfe way at Gerstein had no Corage to go on, sheweng
that the enemie wes strong and if they should be beatten the Countie
were lost, I wrot to him to stay there y^ wold amuse the enemie,
he called the couucell of warre w^^^ were all of his mynd to returue
again the next day. They were not so soone out of place but 2
scouts of the enemies ryds bake & advertises them Imediatelie
they assault Lanc’^ & were beatten of again, had not a sogior cryed
we have no powder, so they made a fresch assault, & came &
burnt the Towne for the most p^. our sogiors retired to the Church
& the Castle, I heireng of this, knew y^ in case I relived them
not presentlie they must render men, armes & Canons to the enemie
The next day I got upon my horse sore as I wes w^^ eleven Comp, of
foote some few ill monted horse who durst not looke the enemie in
the face, & w*^ these I marched to Lane’’ haveng left in garison
in Preston 4 comps of foote a troope of horse of Cap^ Dukinfield
500 clubmen Coll. Holland beng in towne & Sergent Major
Chantrell I marched in a closse way haveng no horse nor Canons
yet in vew of the enemie So soon as I was past, they knew I wold
relive Lanc^’. The enemie marched foreward to attempt against
Preston w^=^^ they carried malureuslie. I wes to march from
Lane*" w^^ the troupes about 2 of the clok again but no sogior wold
stur in regard they were weried, having marched 20 myls. The
next morneng being reddie to march, none wold stay in Lanc^. Coll.
Stanlies 3 Comp^ who were into it caused beat there drums in spyt
of my teeth, & when I caused schut the gates, they swore they wold
fyre the Canons & the castle & be gon, so y* I was faine to cause
set open the gates, none of Coll. Schutle worth regem^ wold stay, so
y* I was in a greater pplexitie then ever. At last 2 of Coll. Hollands
regem^ sayd. Sir we will stay if yow will stay, but not els I wes
forced to stay in the castle, and send the other awy to Preston, but
about midway news came to them y* Preston wes taken by my
Lord, Sergent Major writs this to me by a post & desires me to
retire my selfe by the way of Clethro & by nicht oth^’wys I could
not escape I Mayd this known to the 2 Captens w^^ me. They
seyd this was no place for me to be in, nether wold they stay after

MANCHESTER Y' 25 M’CH, 1643.

15

me, so I parted out of the castle & wrot to the liftenents, how
things stood, desired them If the sogiors wold not stay to defend the
castle to retire the same way to Olethro. It seems the Comp^ has
gotte salt beef & porke for a month or 2 & ther is water in the
Castle, so y* If we can relive them against tyme it is well, but I
dispare of y^ seeing it is to fare for us above 40 myls. This schip
has bin the cause of all o’^ sorrow haveng o’* troopes devyded
onely to gett these Canons. But it is Gods pleas^ thus to deale w^^^
vaine men, who puts there Confidence in Canons & men more then
in God. And now I am att Manchester scarslie dare I come to the
streets for feare of killing of me. Wee are presentlie to go to the
feelds to seeke the enemie & ether fecht w^^^ them or attempt some
Towne, But yet I am in als bad a Case as before the sogiors say
they will kill me because I gave them not the plundrage, &; Papists
goods of Preston w<^^^ I never medled with. The Lord knows
what shall become of me, I wish I were transported safe to yo^
Lo: fibr I can not live in securitie bier, nether have I gott a sex-
pence to mentean my selfe & people, haveng 8 horses & 6 servants
I brocht from London. I was interteined by the gentilme
of Lanc^ for S months onelie, now the last of March my tyme is
expired, & then I wdll stay no longer. But If I can gett away w*^
my lyfe I intend to come & see yo’^ LoP wheresoever yow be,
The Lord be w^^^ you & gyd you in all yo’^ hoif^^® & Christian
deseins as for me I think my selfe much yo^ servand & at all
occasions shalbe reddie to express it as he who shall ever remain

My Lord

Yo^ LoPs most huble & faithfull Servant,
Johan Seton.

Manchester y® 25 of M’ch 1642.®

If I had bin w^^ the troops when they went from Lanc’^ I had
assalted Preston again or died in y® place, but o’’ men retired to
Bibchester.

® The year 1642 O.S. expiring 24th March, this letter, written on old New-Year’s
Day, should have borne the date of 1 643, as confirmed by internal evidence. It has
been docketed on the margin of the second page in a contemporary handwriting, “S’^
John Seaton, March 25, 1643.”

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